The African Democratic Congress (ADC) will inaugurate its newly elected state executives and national chairperson on 12 May, or a date later announced by the National Working Committee. The announcement was made in a statement issued on Sunday in Abuja by the party's National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi. The party affirmed that the state-level elections were conducted in accordance with its constitution and legal provisions. It praised members and stakeholders for participating in the process, describing the elections as evidence of its commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and the rule of law. The ADC is also set to hold its national convention on 14 April, even as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declined to monitor the event. This follows a 12 March Court of Appeal ruling that led INEC to suspend recognition of any ADC executives. The commission stated it would not engage with any group claiming to represent the party until the Federal High Court in Abuja resolves the matter. While some states conducted peaceful congresses, parallel events occurred in Ebonyi, Plateau, Ogun, and Adamawa states, resulting in rival factions claiming legitimacy. In Ebonyi, Jennifer Nwafor and Silas Onu emerged as competing chairpersons. In Plateau, Hanatu Gagara and Samuel Gyang's factions held separate congresses at Adewusi House and Kalwa House. In Ogun, Femi Soluade and Emmanuel Famojuro were elected by opposing groups. Despite a court order suspending the Adamawa congress, it proceeded, electing Sadiq Ibrahim as chairperson.
Bolaji Abdullahi's announcement of an ADC inauguration date does little to mask the party's deep internal fractures, which are now playing out in courtrooms and parallel congress halls rather than policy debates. The fact that four states have produced two chairpersons each reveals a party less focused on building a national alternative and more consumed by internal power struggles.
The timing of the ADC's national convention—just two days before the planned inauguration—amidst a Court of Appeal ruling and INEC's refusal to engage, underscores a disconnect between procedural ambition and legal reality. While the party claims adherence to its constitution, the defiance of a court order in Adamawa and the existence of rival congress venues in Plateau and Ogun suggest that power, not principle, is the driving force. The INEC directive is not mere bureaucracy; it reflects a legitimate institutional pause until judicial clarity is achieved.
Ordinary ADC members and voters in Ebonyi, Plateau, Ogun, and Adamawa are the immediate casualties. They now face a scenario where party leadership is not just disputed but legally entangled, weakening any claim the ADC might have to being a credible opposition force. Aspirants and grassroots supporters risk being sidelined by a process that rewards factional loyalty over democratic legitimacy.
This is not an isolated incident but part of a recurring pattern in Nigeria's opposition parties, where internal democracy is often invoked in press releases but discarded in practice. The ADC's current turmoil mirrors past implosions in the PDP and even the APC, where parallel structures and court battles became the norm. Without resolution, the party risks becoming another example of how structural instability undermines political alternatives.
