The African Democratic Congress (ADC) pressed ahead with its national convention plans on April 14 despite warnings from INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan that such actions could breach court orders. While some states held congresses, others including Ondo, Kaduna, and Enugu had theirs halted by court injunctions. The party's National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, confirmed the national convention would proceed as scheduled, with Senator Liyel Imoke leading the 22-member National Convention Central Coordination Committee. Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal is Vice Chairman, and Dr. Ajuji Ahmed serves as Secretary. The committee includes 339 members across 11 sub-committees, featuring figures like Senator Victor Umeh, Dr. Tony Nwoye, and Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe in key roles. Two legal challenges loom over the party's leadership: one by Hon. Leke Abejide, with judgment set for April 13, and another by Hon. Nafiu Bala Gombe, scheduled for hearing April 14. INEC had ceased recognition of Senator David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as ADC's National Chairman and Secretary, citing internal disputes. The ADC accused INEC of partisanship, demanding the resignation of its chairman and commissioners, and alleging a move toward a one-party state under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In Ebonyi State, Muhammad Lawal emerged as chairman after local congresses, though factional tensions persist between groups led by Uche Onyeagucha and Alhaji Yinka Olona.
Senator David Mark is at the helm of a fracturing party that has chosen defiance over resolution, staking legitimacy on a convention that courts have not cleared and INEC has warned against. By pushing forward, Mark and his allies are not just testing the judiciary's patience—they are betting that political momentum can override legal clarity, a gamble that has backfired on Nigerian parties before.
The ADC's accusation that INEC is serving the interests of President Tinubu's administration fits a now-familiar script in Nigerian opposition politics: when internal cracks appear, the default is to blame the ruling party rather than confront internal mismanagement. The fact that two separate lawsuits challenge Mark's leadership—backed by party members with political credentials—suggests the rift is not manufactured but deeply rooted. Yet instead of resolving these disputes internally or awaiting court direction, the party has elevated procedural defiance to a political statement, undermining its own claim to democratic integrity.
Ordinary ADC members and aspiring candidates stand to lose the most. Delegates in states like Ebonyi, where parallel structures exist, face uncertainty over which leadership their votes will serve. Those hoping for a transparent path to nominations may find their efforts drowned out by legal noise and top-down control. For voters seeking a credible alternative to dominant parties, the ADC's chaos reinforces skepticism about opposition cohesion.
This is not an outlier but part of a recurring pattern: Nigerian opposition parties routinely prioritize leadership battles over institutional stability, only to splinter before elections. The ADC's current path mirrors the PDP's implosions and the APGA and NNPP's internal tussles—where personal ambitions overshadow party-building. Unless courts intervene decisively, the ADC risks becoming another cautionary tale of opposition politics in disarray.
