The old global order is no longer functioning as it once did, according to observations made in light of former US President Donald Trump's foreign policy approach. Henry Kissinger, in his 2014 book World Order, noted that no truly global order has ever existed, a sentiment gaining renewed relevance. Trump's unpredictable actions have accelerated doubts about the sustainability of the US-led multilateral system established after World War II. As a result, alternatives to traditional power structures are being explored, particularly by nations that lack superpower status but retain significant economic influence. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has advocated for a coalition of middle powers, a concept described as "midi-lateralism," involving countries like Canada, Australia, and members of the European Union. This grouping aims to assert autonomy and resist dominance by larger powers. Another emerging model is "minilateralism," where smaller nations collaborate in flexible arrangements to reduce dependence on major powers and limit geopolitical disruptions. The United Nations, with 193 member states, reflects a hierarchy dominated by a few nations with veto power in the Security Council. The United States and China together represent 32.8 per cent of global GDP in purchasing power parity terms as of 2025. The next 16 UN members by GDP share, excluding India, range from 3.5 per cent to 1.3 per cent each, collectively accounting for 40.2 per cent of world GDP. The remaining 175 countries make up just 27 per cent of global economic output. These shifting dynamics raise questions about how influence will be distributed in the evolving international system.
Trump's disruption of US-led global structures has created space for middle powers like Canada and the EU to push for greater autonomy, but this shift does not inherently benefit smaller or African nations absent from these discussions. The economic weight of the vast majority of UN members remains marginal, with 175 countries sharing only 27 per cent of global GDP, limiting their influence regardless of new alliances among wealthier mid-tier states. The reconfiguration of power favours those already positioned within economic coalitions, not those excluded by design or capacity. Without inclusion, new models risk replicating the same imbalances they claim to challenge.
Editorial note: AI-assisted opinion, not established fact. Full disclaimer →
