Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, leader of the Kwankwasiyya Movement and former Kano State governor, has disclosed that his faction accepted a 60 per cent share in the African Democratic Congress (ADC) power structure, despite being offered 80 per cent by the former New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) bloc that defected to ADC. Speaking to supporters in Kano at the weekend, Kwankwaso said the reduced share was a deliberate move to promote inclusiveness. He stated that the old ADC retained 40 per cent of positions in the arrangement, which was agreed upon in the presence of the party's national leadership. Kwankwaso likened the decision to a previous political transition, recalling that a 60-40 formula was used when his group moved from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). He noted that Kwankwasiyya members currently hold leadership roles in all 44 local government areas in Kano State. However, he confirmed that 10 chairmanship positions were relinquished following objections from other stakeholders. Kwankwaso urged supporters to exercise patience and refrain from pushing for specific individuals for positions, especially if they are not qualified.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso's decision to accept a smaller share of power in the ADC, despite being offered 80 per cent, reveals more than generosity—it signals a calculated effort to position himself as a unifying figure in a political landscape defined by fragmentation. By publicly downgrading his bloc's dominance, Kwankwaso is crafting a narrative of magnanimity, one that contrasts with the usual winner-takes-all tendencies in Nigerian politics. The specific mention of the 60-40 split, mirrored from his PDP-to-APC transition, is not accidental; it reinforces a consistent personal brand of controlled inclusion.
This move comes at a time when political defections are reshaping party dynamics, and Kwankwaso is leveraging optics to attract both smaller groups and disillusioned politicians seeking space. His admission that his group held all 44 Kano local government chairmanships before giving up 10 underscores the extent of his control—and the reality that concessions are made only when pressure mounts. The outcry that prompted the handover of 10 positions suggests internal friction, likely from sidelined allies or emerging factions.
For ordinary Nigerians, especially in Kano, this reshuffling means continued elite negotiation behind closed doors, with local offices used as bargaining chips. The average voter sees little benefit when leadership changes are driven by elite consensus rather than democratic input. This pattern reflects a broader trend in Nigerian politics: power is not seized solely through elections, but through strategic positioning, controlled concessions, and the careful management of perception.
