Aso-oke weaving in Iseyin, a town in Oyo State, has seen a surge in demand both locally and internationally, driven by Nigeria's expanding cultural influence and diaspora engagement. The fabric, traditionally handwoven by Yoruba artisans, is now a symbol of cultural pride and economic opportunity. In shaded alleys and under makeshift shelters, weavers like Franscisco Waliu, 34, work at wooden looms, producing intricately patterned strips that are later stitched into garments and accessories. Waliu, who left a career as a nightclub singer in Lagos, now earns a steady income from the craft. Iseyin, located about 200 kilometres from Lagos, remains the epicentre of aso-oke production, with artisans passing down techniques through generations. Despite modern pressures, weavers reject mechanisation, believing handweaving preserves the fabric's authenticity. "If you use a machine to weave aso-oke, it won't come out as nice," said Kareem Adeola, 35. Threads, mostly imported from China, are dyed and set on looms to create vibrant, tightly woven patterns. The fabric has gained global visibility, notably when Meghan Markle wore an aso-oke wrapper during a 2021 visit to Nigeria with Prince Harry. Younger weavers are blending tradition with innovation, collaborating with graphic artists on new designs. Aso-oke is now used in everyday fashion, designer collections, and international runways.
Franscisco Waliu's shift from nightclub singer to full-time aso-oke weaver captures a quiet but significant shift in how young Nigerians are revaluing indigenous crafts not as relics, but as viable livelihoods. His journey, from Lagos's entertainment scene to the wooden loom in Iseyin, reflects a broader recalibration of economic aspiration among graduates and creatives who see cultural production as both profitable and purposeful.
This resurgence is not accidental. The global visibility of Nigerian music, fashion, and diaspora influence has turned aso-oke from ceremonial cloth to cultural export, with designers like Ayomitide Okungbaye showcasing it in London. Yet the refusal to mechanise, rooted in the belief that the fabric is "meant by God to be handwoven," reveals a deeper tension between authenticity and scalability. While this commitment preserves quality, it also limits production capacity and exposes artisans to physical strain without ergonomic support or institutional backing.
For young Nigerians in towns like Iseyin, aso-oke represents more than tradition—it's a job, an identity, and a way to bypass overcrowded formal sectors. University graduates entering the trade signal a shift toward self-employment rooted in heritage. However, without investment in training, health safeguards, or protection against cultural appropriation, this craft's global appeal may outpace its local sustainability.
The story mirrors a national pattern: Nigerian creativity thrives on organic innovation, but systemic support lags, leaving cultural assets vulnerable to exploitation even as they gain worldwide acclaim.