There will be no zoning for the 2027 Nasarawa State governorship election, according to Mohammed Abubakar Adamu, a former Inspector General of Police and All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant. Speaking at a press conference in Abuja on Friday, Adamu stated that Nasarawa has never implemented zoning since 1999, and that the APC, like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) before it, has not adopted the practice. He dismissed calls for zoning, particularly the incumbent Governor Abdullahi Sule's reported preference for a successor from Nasarawa West, insisting the party should adopt direct primaries. Adamu argued that direct primaries provide a level playing field, preventing manipulation through delegate control in indirect primaries.
Adamu, who hails from Nasarawa South, claimed he has visited all 147 wards in the state and engaged directly with constituents. He maintained that consensus on zoning cannot occur when multiple aspirants oppose it, and pledged to ensure free and fair primaries. He criticised the neglect of Lafia, describing the state capital as underdeveloped and resembling a glorified local government headquarters due to years of administrative neglect.
Mohammed Abubakar Adamu's outright rejection of zoning exposes a growing defiance among APC heavyweights in Nasarawa who see internal party democracy as a tool to bypass established political conventions. By anchoring his argument on the absence of zoning since 1999 and the party's shift to direct primaries, Adamu is not merely contesting a process—he is challenging the influence of Governor Abdullahi Sule, who is reportedly backing a candidate from Nasarawa West. His repeated emphasis on ward-level engagement and delegate protection signals a calculated effort to position himself as the grassroots alternative, insulated from top-down imposition.
The dispute reveals deeper fault lines in Nasarawa's political culture, where power balancing through zoning has never been formalised despite being a national norm. Adamu's claim that indirect primaries enabled manipulation rings true in a state where party processes have often been swayed by money and influence. His focus on Lafia's decay also taps into long-standing regional grievances, particularly from Nasarawa South, which feels shortchanged in infrastructure and visibility. This is not just about 2027—it is about which faction of the APC controls the narrative of legitimacy and inclusion.
For ordinary Nasarawa residents, especially in Lafia and surrounding areas, Adamu's campaign raises expectations of accountability and development-focused leadership. If direct primaries proceed without interference, it could empower voters over party elites. However, the intensifying clash between aspirants and the sitting governor may deepen internal rifts, potentially weakening the APC ahead of the general election.
This mirrors a broader trend across Nigeria, where aspirants in ruling parties are increasingly invoking direct primaries to sidestep zoning agreements and incumbent influence—turning internal party democracy into both a shield and a weapon.
